The extent and severity of the crisis, which began in 2008, is demonstrated by the failure of the centers of the global economy. Seems pointless essere stata la trasformazione del G7 in G20, che appare paralizzato dalle tensioni tra le potenze economiche, mentre l’egemonia degli Usa è contestata da tutti e un nuovo protezionismo, come durante la Grande crisi degli anni ’30, si manifesta attraverso la “guerra valutaria”.
Questa crisi non è semplicemente una crisi finanziaria né una crisi congiunturale. Si tratta della fine del ciclo d’accumulazione iniziato dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale, che apre una fase di instabilità e di conflittualità internazionale. La crisi ha prodotto 30 milioni di nuovi disoccupati a livello mondiale e, nonostante i 14mila miliardi di dollari profusi nel sistema finanziario dagli stati più sviluppati, è tutt’altro that resolved. Indeed, it has transformed itself from the crisis of productive and financial system crisis in the public debt. The fact is that the crisis of overproduction of capital and goods, ripresentatesi from 1974-'75, has been met by the creation of financial bubbles that burst, have grown the crisis, just backing up ever larger. The neo-liberal recipe
to counter the falling rate of profit - including privatization, financial deregulation, reduction of wages and welfare - has increased the gap between production and market capitalism. The failure of the liberal myth of the virtues of self-regulating market is now evident in the renewed confirmation of Marx's thesis on the contradictions the current mode of production.
Faced with this situation, what were the reactions of the European left? At a recent conference organized by Italianieuropei, an MP of the German SPD noted that while the 50 to 10 years ago, Europe was left in the majority, today only five heads of state and government of the 27 are left. The SPD leader concludes by asking what is today the common identity of European social democracy and left. The question is this. Faced with the crisis of the capitalist model of accumulation, since the '80s and '90s, the majority of the European left has too often aligned with the economic right, so he ends up losing identity and consensus.
Today, the severity of the crisis requires us to take up the fundamental criticism of capitalist society, for the affirmation of the centrality of the market and the company will not stop the crisis, but to transform it into a general crisis. This means that, as an alternative to the concept of self-regulated market, it should be taken to economic planning. It should be taken as an alternative to the centrality of private enterprise, state intervention in the economy. Not in the sense of socialization of losses, or funding and tax relief grant and who relocates. But in effect, however, to give regulators and capital markets and to address the production of goods and services.
is not, however, only an economic issue but a political issue. It is a radicalism that is, to recover which is not utopianism, but the ability to go to the root of the problems and propose solutions arising. And it is about winning, about the proposal, the consent of the citizen-workers. In this regard what happened in Greece in the recent elections is, in my opinion, significant.
The only party to gain momentum in terms of absolute votes, compared with a record turnout of 40% was the Communist Party, KKE. This has risen from 7.5% to 11% of the vote, while PASOK has lost 10 percentage points and a million votes. Moreover, unlike the Netherlands and Sweden, Greece, the crisis does not reward the parties of the extreme right and xenophobic nationalists, who even lost support.
The results of the elections in Greece speak to all of Europe and say that not only the radical critique of capitalism is needed, but also can grow on that critical consensus.
But this result does not come down from heaven, and in this context, Greece, in particular, speaks to us Italians. In fact, Greece has been able to collect this result because it has preserved the value consists Communist political and organizational autonomy, ie the party.
In Italy, however, it was a great first dissolved patrimonio storico con lo scioglimento del PCI, e poi si è creduto che si potesse raccogliere tanto più consenso quanto più ci si allontanava da quella tradizione e da quei contenuti. I risultati sono stati la frammentazione organizzativa e l’indebolimento politico, non solo di quelli che ancora si ritengono comunisti, ma anche della sinistra in generale.
Oggi, dunque, si pongono due necessità tra loro connesse: l’unità della sinistra e l’unità dei comunisti. I tempi sono maturi per una riunificazione di Prc e PdCI, la cui divisione non ha più senso. L’unità in un solo partito è una precondizione necessaria ad adeguare i comunisti culturalmente e politicamente alla fase storica nuova e drammatica that is open. Moreover, the unity of the community should be seen by the rest of the left not as an obstacle, but as a reinforcement of its front drive, and then more generally on the left.
This should be clear to all those who have realized that the bipolar system - and even more trying to bend it to bipartisanship - have had devastating consequences for all of the left and to the country, giving fifteen domain Berlusconi and, Above all, the hegemony of economic and social policies of the right.
Domenico Moro
PdCI Central Committee - National Association of Directors Marx XXI
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